Berlin, Germany (Weltexpress). These deliveries of modern air defense missiles are changing the strategic landscape in the Middle East. They complicate Israeli and American planning, signal China’s growing role as an arms supplier, successfully undermine Western sanctions against Iran, and cement Beijing’s influence in the region.
After the twelve-day brutal, unprovoked war of aggression by the two rogue states Israel and the US, which allegedly caused massive damage to Iran’s military infrastructure, the Islamic Republic has received new Chinese surface-to-air missile batteries from China. This happened after an unofficial ceasefire on June 24, 2025, and is seen as part of a broad effort by Tehran to quickly reduce its obvious weaknesses in air defense.
According to Arab sources, the Middle East-focused internet portal Middle East Eye (MEE) reported on July 7 that Iran is paying for these arms purchases mainly with oil supplies – a practice that reflects the now deep economic ties between Iran and China, despite the unilateral US sanctions against Iran, which violate international law and are followed to the letter by US vassals, including Germany, are being followed slavishly to the letter.
According to US data, China is by far the largest buyer of Iranian oil. Around 90 percent of Iran’s crude oil and condensate exports go to China. In order to circumvent US sanctions and avoid being blacklisted by the Americans, Chinese oil trading companies often use complex transit routes via third countries such as Malaysia, which is also critical of the West. According to MEE, official sources in the Arab world have informed Washington about Iran’s arms buildup. Washington, in turn, sees this as a growing security challenge to its own imperial ambitions and those of its Zionist ally in the region.
Historical context of Iranian-Chinese arms cooperation
Cooperation between China and Iran in the arms sector goes back decades. During the First Gulf War in the 1980s, Iran received HY-2 Silkworm cruise missiles via North Korea. These were used in attacks on Kuwaiti and US-flagged oil tankers during the so-called “tanker wars,” in which a US-flagged tanker was also sunk.
Allegedly, it was also a Silkworm missile that had come to Lebanon via Iran that nearly sank a state-of-the-art Israeli frigate, which, feeling invulnerable, was provocatively bobbing around in Lebanese territorial waters. The Israeli warship had to be towed away and undergo extensive repairs.
Later, deliveries of more modern Chinese systems followed, including allegedly HQ-9 air defense missiles from 2010 onwards. Iran supplements these imports with Russian S-300 systems and batteries developed in-house, such as the Khordad series and the Bavar-373 system, which can also be used against aircraft and drones and, to a limited extent, against cruise missiles and ballistic missiles.
Technical characteristics of the HQ-9 and HQ-16
The latest deliveries mainly concern variants of the HQ-9 system, including the HQ-9B, which is considered to be the Chinese equivalent of the S-300. The HQ-9B has anti-stealth capabilities, a longer range (300 kilometers), and modernized sensors that are optimized for use against combat aircraft such as the US F-15 or F-16.
The HQ-16 is a medium-range variant designed to defend against conventional combat aircraft and cruise missiles. Both systems pose a serious threat to older or less well-protected attackers when integrated into an air defense network that includes additional systems such as HQ-7, modern radars (e.g., YLC-8E), and command structures.
Limits of effectiveness against modern adversaries
However, the HQ-9 and HQ-16 are significantly limited against state-of-the-art platforms such as the F-35 Lightning II. The F-35’s stealth technology makes radar detection much more difficult, while the F-35’s electronic countermeasures and tactical deployment patterns further reduce the likelihood of a successful interception. Reports from real-world operational contexts, such as this year’s Indian-Pakistani conflict, also show that these systems have reportedly struggled even against modern supersonic cruise missiles such as the BrahMos.
Iranian experts are aware of this and are therefore relying on a multi-layered, redundant air defense structure that combines Russian, Chinese, and domestic systems. The goal is to at least partially counter Israeli and Western air strikes and thus increase strategic deterrence.
Geopolitical dimensions of Chinese-Iranian cooperation
The deliveries of Chinese air defense systems are part of a strategic deepening of relations between Beijing and Tehran. During the recent conflict with Israel, both China and Russia diplomatically exercised restraint, although, according to MEE, Israel achieved air superiority in air strikes and destroyed numerous Iranian military targets.
Meanwhile, there are increasing indications from critical observers in the US that the narrative of Israeli air superiority over Iran, which the F-35s are said to have achieved, is not true. Fearing the loss of their super-expensive F-35s, Israeli F-35s reportedly fired their long-range air-to-ground missiles in the relatively safe airspace over northern Iran, just beyond the Azerbaijani border. Satellite images show that the destruction of Iranian military infrastructure was caused by missiles and not by aerial bombs, as the latter leave deep craters, which is not the case with conventional missiles of the type used by the Israelis. It is also noted that there is not a single photo of an F-35 over Iranian cities.
Nevertheless, a military-technological asymmetry remains between the conflicting states, Iran on the one hand and the US/Israel on the other. Despite all the modernization and purchases from China, Iran’s air defense will lag behind Western technologies. In particular, there are weaknesses in electronic warfare, networking, and stealth detection that cannot be completely overcome even with Chinese supplies. Only Russia has the right medicine to overcome these weaknesses.
Long before the twelve-day war, Russia had offered Iran its help in developing an integrated air defense system. But Tehran hesitated and ultimately did not want to commit to firm military cooperation with Russia. The government in Tehran probably hoped that this would give it a better chance of reaching an amicable diplomatic solution with the US.
With the current arms delivery, which will certainly be followed by others soon, Beijing is clearly demonstrating its long-term interest in and solidarity with Iran. For Beijing, Iran is not only an energy supplier but also an important geopolitical ally against Western destabilization plans in the region. According to MEE, the US and Israel view this development with concern, and rightly so, because improved Iranian air defense could put a lasting damper on their further plans for aggression, such as eliminating the Russian-Iranian transport corridor as a link to China’s “Road and Belt” project.
At the same time, a regime change in Tehran orchestrated by the US/Israel could cut China off from a secure source of oil at favorable prices and stable supplies. Without Iran as a partner, Beijing would also have little opportunity to expand its security policy engagement in the region without entering into formal military alliances.
In summary, the prompt delivery of Chinese HQ-9 and HQ-16 surface-to-air missiles to Iran is an important step in Tehran’s military reconstruction following the US/Zionist attacks. It demonstrates the strategic deepening of relations between Beijing and Tehran. At the same time, these systems represent a technological improvement, but by no means an insurmountable threat to state-of-the-art platforms such as the F-35.
Nevertheless, these deliveries are changing the strategic landscape in the Middle East. They complicate Israeli and American plans, signal China’s growing role as an arms supplier, and successfully undermine Western sanctions against Iran. As a result, the conflict over Iran is becoming not only a regional issue, but increasingly a factor in the global rivalry between China and the US.
