Berlin, Germany (Weltexpress). Everything from Russia is eagerly received in the West that can be used against him in the dispute with Russian President Putin. There is one exception to this Western behaviour. What is being swept under the table is what would have to result in western consequences. A prime example is the announcement by Russian President Putin that the Moscow archives will be fully disclosed showing the entire spectrum that led to the war of the German Reich against Poland in 1939 and the declaration of war by the then global powers France and England on World War II.
The Russian government is continuously complying with this announcement. For whom that is not comprehensive enough, he or she could make their ideas public. Since President Putin announced the disclosure of the archives, no Western government has ever made such a request known. Why has the German government never taken into consideration cooperation with the Russian side on opening the archive in Moscow? Why have other Western governments followed this Russian example, not just because of the overall historical picture? Isn’t possible to preserve a useful historical picture because otherwise Great Britain would not be able to keep its “historical poison cabinet” under lock and key since the Crimean War and subsequently with millions of documents? Are there fears in London that a complete opening of British archives since the mid-nineteenth century could no longer maintain the previous image of history? Not only in the case of Rudolf Hess with his “Flight to Eng(e)land” in the run-up to the German Reich’s attack on the Soviet Union in 1941? But also because of Allied plans to use the collapse of the German Reich in 1945 with the remaining large units of the Wehrmacht for a joint fight against the Soviet Union?
Since the history of the entire past century decisively determines the “today”, it must be assumed that this Western refusal exists not to allow possible corrections to the existing historical image to occur. In a certain way, this also applies to the German side, whose government files were only published again by the Western powers in the 1950s, as far as it concerns the period of the German Reich from 1933 to 1945. To date, nobody has answered the question of whether these files have come back into German hands in the way they were originally created?
The opening of archives on international politics by Moscow has it all and, in the case of Germany, the effect of a “historical tsar bomb”. In Moscow / St. Petersburg, something similar happened once before after the October Revolution. The new Bolshevik rulers published what had not yet reached the public eye. This happened not only because the new rulers in the Russian empire said they were against “secret diplomacy”. They will have been aware of the effect on the warring powers of the First World War when they published the correspondence of the highest Jewish representatives with the heads of state of the Entente Powers and the Central Powers on the question of a “Jewish home Palestine” as a consequence of the British-French Sykes -Picot Agreement made up in 1916. This agreement was not only aimed at bringing about a reorganization of the Near and Middle East against the Ottoman Empire. Since the outbreak of the First World War, it was more than a thorn in the side of France and England to ascertain the support of large parts of the Germans of Jewish faith for their own country in Imperial Germany. Since the beginning of the war, and not only in Paris and London, a direct connection was established between this support and the United States’ failure to enter the war in 1914, which had to be capped. Without the support or participation of the United States in this war, France and Great Britain threatened to succumb to the war efforts of the Central Powers.
The American historian David Fromkin, in his publication on “the peace that meant the end of all peace”, had perhaps not by chance after the end of the Cold War in 1990, pointed out the overall context involved. After the course of events that followed, it is hard to believe today that it was imperial Germany at the beginning of the war, in contrast to its opponents, that continued to enjoy open-mindedness from people of the Jewish faith in large parts of the world. In the interests of London and Paris, this had to be ended not only to accomplish their own war success.
After the First World War, with its vengeance in Versailles in 1919, American and British financial circles in Germany helped to raise a party that was strictly anti-Semitic and anti-Bolshevik and would most likely detonate the war fuse laid out in Versailles in 1919.
It is not just the history of the past century that downright dictates that we follow and help shape the path that President Putin has shown towards a comprehensive historical overall picture. Corrections to current politics may be inevitable as a result of an appropriate approach. These realizations are perhaps the only means to save us all from the continuation of ruining another people. This becomes clear in the run-up to another commemoration day in January 2021. Then it will be just 150 years since the German Reich, founded in 1871, saw the light of day in the middle of Western Europe and – as we know today – from the first moment aroused the suspicion of the established European hegemonic powers France and England therefore making ready for war. The English wanted to do as they pleased in mainland Europe. A united German Empire was disturbing. Across the Atlantic, the German Reich aroused extreme concern from a coming global power that was already seeing a possible cooperation between Imperial Russia and Imperial Germany. Versailles in 1919 and Potsdam in 1945 were intermediate steps directed against Germany to eliminate an independent power factor. Russia is still pending in this world of thought and in today’s practical approach by NATO. The American presidential election will show us the way.
